Gang Leader for a Day

Book Reflection

Sudhir Venkatesh’s Gang Leader for a Day was a very interesting book to read, especially since we had to read it for our Human and Computer Interaction class. Venkatesh was given a unique opportunity to observe and be an intimate part of the Black Kings gang and the Robert Taylor Homes through the gang leader JT. JT himself is a very interesting person; his willingness to let Venkatesh into his world even at the risk of Venkatesh getting him killed or incarcerated is uncharacteristic of someone in his position. Venkatesh’s years of “study” and involvement in the projects and the Black Kings gang gives a real human face to the poor black families and individuals in the America.

Venkatesh is from white suburban California, so when he was willingly thrown into the black projects of Chicago, we see a large clash in culture, behaviors, and norms. I think this was the biggest reason why his work is significant. He reflects the outsider’s—presumably the reader—views and thoughts on inner-city life. In Gang Leader for a Day, he admitted that he was playing the naïve student in order to find out about the intricacies of poor blacks in America. I do not feel that he was as naïve or careless as he portrays; he knew that there was a give and take—or hustle—that was necessary to achieve his goals.

JT was a charismatic leader who has seen both the legitimate and illegal ways of making money and surviving in America. He went to college and even got a “real” job. However, he came back to gang life when he realized that he found more respect, power, and opportunity for growth there. He made a conscious decision to be part of a gang. It appears that many other gang members share a similar sentiment. They only choose the gang because either: 1) they want to make enough money to do what they really want, 2) they feel like it is expected of them (i.e., self-fulfilling prophecy), or 3) they have no other choice. If other opportunities had existed, then they probably would not have chosen the gang life. For example, in other neighborhoods where there was a real opportunity to work and make a decent wage, it was harder for JT to recruit gang members. However, the practices seen in gangs are apparent in all walks of life. Ms. Bailey manipulates her tenants for her favor and personal gain. The police officers are not all-ideal enforcers of the law. Politicians want voters to elect them to higher positions of power within the government. Even students brown-nose their professors for recommendation letters and references for their careers.

Venkatesh’s personal involvement and biases really make Gang Leader for a Day less of an ethnography than a sort of memoir. His work shows some of the issues with ethnographies and the debates that go on about their legitimacy. If one becomes too involved with the culture they are studying, they may become blind to the little things that make the culture the way it is. However, if one becomes too objective and scientific, they lose those qualities that make cultures unique and human. I personally see some benefit of qualitative studies and quantitative analyses, but I cannot see if they are making a significant impact—in terms of federal policies or overall knowledge.

While I did not grow up in the projects or in the ghetto, I have seen the “darker” side of America: having to survive by less legitimate means. The culture of the United States creates these pockets of communities where the federal, state, or city laws do not always align with the activities that often occur openly. The government is failing and neglecting large sectors of people, so some of them must create their own ways to govern themselves. The close relationship of the Black Kings and the Robert Taylor Homes is an example of this. The gang was necessary to keep order (what they define as order) because no one else would.

Chapter Reflections

Chapter 1: How Does It Feel to be Black and Poor?

This first chapter really revealed how sheltered Venkatesh is. He walked into the Lake Park projects with no sense of needing to carefully watch himself and others. Even the first question on the questionnaire, “How does it feel to be black and poor?” and the use of the Likert scale was insensitive to those he intended to interview. I found that JT’s interest in Venkatesh was motivated by both curiosity and selfishness. I think JT wanted to know what Vankatesh’s intentions were with the gang just as much as Vankatesh wanted to learn about being black and poor. This simultaneous curiosity is probably what maintained their relationship.

Chapter 2: First Days on Federal Street

In this chapter, Venkatesh focuses on the people in the projects. He introduces many people to the reader, including Ms. Mae, Clarisse, and C-Note. He also introduces the Robert Taylor Homes and the dynamics between the tenants and the Black Kings gang members. There is a delicate balance between these two groups. Each needs the other for survival. The situation with C-Note and JT reflects this. JT wants to maintain this authority in the community, and C-Note knows this. However, C-Note needs to show that JT does not dictate the all of the happenings in the Robert Taylor Homes, which is why he talked back to JT yet took his beating with little resistance.

Chapter 3: Someone to Watch over Me

The third chapter was filled with a multitude of lessons that Venkatesh had never experienced before. He learned about how JT and the Black Kings had to work with politicians in order to operate successfully. It is surprising that Venkatesh did not realize how much politicians and gang leaders had to work together to maintain each other’s interests. Kris and Michael and Boo-Boo also offered him insights into how the Black Kings was, in a way, both a blessing and a curse. The Black Kings offered them protection and a voice, but they had to give up something in return—whether it was money or a little autonomy. Finally, JT had to be extremely explicit to Venkatesh about how he was affiliating himself. If he was “with” JT, he had different affordances compared to if he was “with” Autry. Venkatesh had to be really careful about how he affiliated himself, because that determined who could protect him.

Chapter 4: Gang Leader for a Day

When Venkatesh talked about being “gang leader for a day,” I think he glorified it to the point of narcissism. While he did make some “decisions,” it was ultimately JT who determined what happened that day. JT just wanted to see if Venkatesh could handle doing what he did on a daily basis. It is similar to how so many people think they can be president of the United States and do a better job than whoever is in office. The truth is, no matter how much education or know-how you have, you can never be prepared for such a job until you are put in that situation. This chapter sort of annoyed me because of Venkatesh’s haughtiness, but it allowed the reader to see the complexities of being a leader.

Chapter 5: Ms. Bailey’s Neighborhood

Venkatesh painted Ms. Bailey as the Taylor Roberts Homes equivalent to JT and the Black Kings. She takes care of the tenants because she sees how they can benefit her. She relishes the power she has and finds her happiness in controlling the tenants. This chapter also reveals the complex relationship between JT and Ms. Bailey. They both realize that they must cooperate together in order to achieve their goals, but at the same time they must distinguish their independence from each other to maintain their status in their respective arenas.

Chapter 6: The Hustler and the Hustled

It surprised me that it took four years for Venkatesh to question his legal and moral obligations as an ethnographer and observer. The IRB and the legal system have very explicit rules about what a researcher should report to the authorities. It also surprised me how shocked Venkatesh was when the people he had talked to about the ways they make money were mad at him because he told Ms. Bailey and JT. He could not have been that ignorant. I think he was playing too much into his naïve nature here. Catrina’s death was disheartening, but not too surprising to me. Also, although the subsequent writing workshop was in good faith, he should have expected the accusations of him having sex with the girls.

Chapter 7: Black and Blue

In the previous chapters, the police presence was portrayed as nearly nonexistent with the exception of Officer Reggie. Now, the reader sees that the police do get involved sometimes, but not always for what they would expect of them. It is sad that the police are so organized in their corruption; they sign up to raid gang parties! It is also sad how jealous they are of these gang leaders. It makes me wonder why they decided to join the police force. The demolition of the Robert Taylor Homes sounded like one of those predictable endings to a book, so when I read this, I felt like it was reading fiction instead of an ethnography.

Chapter 8: The Stay-Together Gang

The ending of the book saddened me. It really seems like Venkatesh was in it just for his research and dissertation. This contradicts his desire to humanize poor blacks in America. He was ultimately interested in using them for his dissertation. His dwindled relationship with JT also disappointed me; I think he should have at least acknowledged JT as somewhat of a friend. 

Ethnography Ideas

If I had sole discretion on the culture that I wanted to study for my ethnography project, I think I would choose the culture of the TAMU student organization Cepheid Variable. It is a club that supports "all things science fiction, fantasy, horror, science, and technology." I have heard of this organization from friends, and it seems like an organization that has created its own rules of acceptable behaviors and norms. I think this would be an interesting opportunity for me to immerse myself in their culture. I could also critically analyze how such an organization within the university can be so drastically different from the overall image that Texas A&M portrays.

An idea for other people's ethnography projects could be the Help Sessions that the Math department offers for math classes. Help Sessions offer opportunities for students in math classes like Calculus I or Contemporary Mathematics to get some help on a concept they learned in class or homework. The largest difference between the Help Session and other ways of getting academic help (Weeks-in-Review or visiting a professor during his/her office hours) is that the Help Sessions are run by undergraduate students, so there is a smaller difference in age between the staff and the students. This creates a different dynamic and atmosphere that could be analyzed.

Nonobvious Observation

As a precursor to our ethnography project, everyone had to record themselves doing some task that included interaction with other people. We will then use the videos to observe each other’s interactions in order to determine who that person might be. For our travel plan, the group that I was in decided to simply go to Spoons and get some yogurt. We felt this would give us an opportunity to show our personality through our selections of yogurt flavor and toppings and through the interactions that we had with the other patrons and the employees there. I noticed a wide range of reactions from almost every single person at Spoons, both obvious and nonobvious. The most significant thing that people reacted to was the head-mounted camera itself. Without going into detail—since it would reveal my video and identity—I must say that there were those who embraced the video recording and others who avoided me altogether. With the camera on my head, I noticed that I was significantly more conscious about my own movements. I could tell where my eyes were going and the pace at which I walked. It felt as though my personality became more apparent with the camera on my head. I really hope that all of the videos came out well and that everyone else will have as much fun watching the video as I had in making it.

The article about nonobvious things that reveal more about a person was very dry for such an interesting subject. I agree with Molly Ireland and James Pennebaker; when two people interact, there is a “dance” of sorts. When people interact, it is very normal for them to seek common ground. This does not only apply to interests, but it also includes how they speak and even their postures. The most obvious nonobvious thing to notice is gaze. If somebody’s gaze is similar to the other’s, then there is more of a connection. Ireland and Pennebaker state that listeners better understand the speaker when he or she matches the speaker’s gaze. I notice that when I speak, I sort of unintentionally try to match the way that the other person speaks. Especially in different circles, the manner in which I speak is different. I am adapting to the people with whom I am speaking. Ireland and Pennebaker say that this is an subconscious way to affiliate oneself with a group. You must speak like everyone else in order to be with everyone else. When I took a public speaking class, the professor told us that one of the most important things about speaking is not necessarily the speaking part. It is the nonverbal gestures and movements that make an impact. To engage the listener, look at them, do not speak in monotone, and stand straight. In public speaking, these are things that are clear to us. However, in everyday interactions, it is more subtle and not as obvious. They still have the same implications though.

The first chapter of The Secret Life of Pronouns, written by James Pennebaker, is a really interesting read. I really made me think about how I talk. I even tried to go to the analyzewords.com website to analyze my tweets, but I have not posted enough to get an analysis. Pennebaker’s fascination with how writing reflects the writer’s internal emotional and physical state was his motivation for his work, and I think this is an important subject to be researched, not only for social psychology but also for other fields like HCI. Because this is only the first chapter of the book, I am skeptical about how one can run an objective, scientific analysis on people’s writings--especially writings about traumatic experiences. Martha E. Francis’s computer program Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC) seems to try to make this as scientific as possible. However, the development of the dictionaries is based on people’s subjective perceptions of words. Nonetheless, Pennebaker’s conclusions about healthy writing are profound. He said that, when writing about traumas in life, one should “acknowledge the negative but celebrate the positive,” value the construction of the story, and look at the situation from different perspectives. I hope the rest of his book is as interesting as the first chapter.

Ethnographics

The definition of “ethnography” can be found in the word itself. The ethnos part refers to people, and the grapho part means to write. The dictionary definition describes how ethnography is a qualitative work studying cultures or individual people. However, to many other people—like Malinowki, Levi-Strauss, and Geertz—ethnography is much more than a study of cultures. Sanjek divides ethnography into two subcategories: the product and the process. I tend to see ethnography as more of a process, where one immerses himself or herself into something that is not completely familiar. Ethnography is not just crunching numbers and boiling things down to a science. It is much more fluid because it involves people, who themselves are always changing.

Before this class, I could not even pronounce the word correctly without stumbling over it first. Now, I have to wrap my mathematical head around this sort of anthropological and sociological thinking. One of the most difficult parts for me to comprehend is how to be completely objective in a study of cultures. I know that everything that I think of and do is influenced by my own culture and mindset. How can I set that aside and objectively view and/or experience another culture? I guess this is part of the ongoing debate about the value of ethnographies. When I got to the section in the Wikipedia article on Ethnography that discussed ethnographies in other fields, I realized how this applies to HCI. We have to understand the people that we design for in order to better serve them. After all, our programs and products are for them, not for us.

Margaret Mead’s Coming of Age in Samoa sounds very interesting, especially since it was done in the 1920s. Mead really paved the way for anthropologists and ethnographers in general. Her exploration into the adolescence of young women took her to a completely different culture compared to that of the United States. Her work seemed very thoughtful. She did not throw away her American upbringing; she used it to give her some perspective on the upbringing of the Samoan teenagers. In the end, she found that adolescence in Samoa was not filled with awkwardness and rebelliousness like in the United States. She said that the transition from childhood to adulthood was “smooth.” I think her conclusions make sense. The things that the United States is proud of are what make adolescence so difficult. Children in the United States must learn to assert themselves because of the need to be independent at the end of their adolescent years. Rebellion, making personal philosophical decisions, independence, and many other life-altering choices are the hallmarks of the culture in the United States. This is contrasted with Samoan society, which was monocultural and did not hide the “basic human facts” of sex, bodily functions, or death. I think that this openness of sex was probably a culture shock to Mead’s readers, considering the time period in which her work was published. Even today, sex and death are awkward topics to discuss. Derek Freeman tried to discredit Margaret’s work so fervently. However, it is obvious, in hindsight, that he simply had some sort of vendetta against her. Such bias and disregard for courtesy and respect really disgusted me. I am glad that he was discredited in that aspect for the most part by later research on other cultures and her preserved notes. 

Emotional Design: Why We Love (or Hate) Everyday Things - Chapter 1: Attractive Things Work Better

When I read the title of the first chapter of Donald Norman’s book Emotional Design: Why We Love (or Hate) Everyday Things, I was struck by shock. I asked myself, “How can someone who wrote The Design of Everyday Things be talking about pretty things?” It baffled me. Nonetheless, I read on. This chapter is a stark contrast to the book he wrote decades earlier. Instead of focusing on the physical layout of an object or device, Norman is now looking at how attractiveness improved its usability. Personally, I think this first chapter is a good introduction to Emotional Design. However, I am skeptical on how Norman can provide techniques or strategies on designing pretty things.

Norman’s anecdote about Israeli scientist Noam Tractinsky, who was convinced that the Japanese researchers Masaaki Kurosu and Kaori Kashimura’s results of their pretty ATM study was the result from a cultural disposition of aesthetics, really started things off on the right foot. I, too, was convinced that it had to be a random occurrence. However, one cannot dispute the continued concrete evidence that attractive things are perceivably easier to use. Norman’s explanation of why this is the case was that when people feel good, they think more creatively, and therefore can figure out how to use things more easily. In Design of Everyday Things, Norman put most of the burden on the designer to make everyday things easy to use for the everyday user. He focused on aspects like the conceptual image matching the system image, visibility, good mappings, and good feedback. He even had a cycle of actions that people go through to find out how to accomplish a goal and how designers should make that process easier.

Emotional Design delves into the user-centric world by analyzing how the three levels of processing—visceral, behavioral, and reflective—affect a user’s ability to use an item. Once again, in contrast to Design of Everyday Things, the burden comes off of the designer in a way and puts the burden on the mental state of the user. If the user is relaxed and happy, then they are more capable to deal with minor problems of a device. This is enhanced if the device itself is fun or pretty. If the user is anxious or upset, then they are more focused; they look at the details and neglect the bigger picture. This is when the principle that Design of Everyday Things comes in. The design on consoles and devices then must reflect the situation. If the user is working at a nuclear power plant, there needs to be lights and sounds that create anxiety. Similarly, there can be light whimsical background music that creates happiness. The designer now has to take into account not only the technical aspects of a device; they need to be very aware of the emotional and mental state of the user. Are they working on instinct (visceral), are they doing contemplative work (behavioral), or are they thinking philosophically (reflective)? Norman also warns about going to the extremes, especially in high stress situations, like a fire, when people are acting instinctively and not logically.

The Norman’s lists of pleasant things and negative or stressful things to evoke positive or negative feelings, respectively, are interesting. People have adapted to some of those things, like heights, so that they are not so affected by them. The things that make us human are the things that make it so difficult for designers to create products that satisfy everyone. This is highly contrasted to Design of Everyday Things because in that book, we did not differentiate between people. We designed for the generic user with no thought of their personality or preferences. In Emotional Design, we are given an extra level of complexity because we have to be able to design for people in different emotional states and with different traits.

While this first chapter of Emotional Design seems very psychologically-oriented, it has the same implications as his earlier work The Design of Everyday Things. The designers of products and devices need to keep the user in mind because they are the ones who will be using their products in the end. If the user is unhappy with it, then the designer has failed. Adding emotional factors into design seems extremely intimidating for the designer. I hope that Norman can offer some effective ways to accomplish this in the rest of his book.